The matter is complicated, due in part to the fact that postmodernism must by its very framework attack itself tirelessly and remain nebulous and subject to subjectivist personal interpretation. We are faced with the question of exactly how a set of ideas, a framework, which is supposedly so focused on championing the oppressed sections of society is useful to the imperialist ruling class which operates on the basis of oppression and exploitation. The careful observer will note that postmodernism has grown since the 1970s not only to displace marginal campus Marxism in academia, but to contend with liberal bourgeois hegemony itself by becoming the new common sense for the so-called left in imperialist countries. This can only lead to incomplete or incorrect conclusions and cannot serve the proletariat as a class.
Throwing away the scientific approach to analyzing society and its problems gives way to a subjectivist, irrationalist approach which seeks to negate history and materialism, instead centering “discourse” and “narrative” as the basis for change and development.
The main feature of postmodernism-highly useful to the imperialist ruling class-is that it stands opposed to liberal rationalism and all things modern, including Marx, Darwin, the period of bourgeois revolution, etc. This was, in part, to uproot and subvert the role of Marxism, resulting in there being few if any genuine Marxist academics left in the US, none of whom have maintained their revolutionary character. The author uses an understanding of stratification, of contradiction, of uniting all who can be united with, and of ideological struggle, in order to touch on an issue critical for the movement: how can we help transform and mobilize all positive factors against sexism, racism, etc.?Īt some point in the 1970s, with general assistance from US imperialism, postmodernism began to be utilized on campuses around the world, but mainly in the US. This piece delves into controversies around postmodernism and ideas such as privilege theory, internal colonialism, the “colonizer”/”colonized” dichotomy, and features a history of the Communist Party of the United States of America’s (CPUSA) organizing with Black people as a focus. We see this as part of a humble endeavor to acknowledge that wrong views from progressive people (whether that be those who have submitted pieces that have been published here in the past, or from guests who submit them) should be engaged with deeply and not simply suppressed. We are accepting guest submissions, rebuttals, and criticisms for publishing that may not align with the official positions of the editors here at Struggle Sessions. We are excited to ring in the New Year with another piece in our “One Hundred Flowers” series. We have preserved the old editorial introduction to the piece for posterity’s sake, but also because it provides a useful synopsis and an explanation of the continuing 100 Flowers series. Editor’s Note: We have removed the “100 Flowers” designation from this article in re-publishing it, denoting its content now as in line with the Editorial Board’s positions.
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